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Field Museum of Natural History. 

Publication 157. 

Anthropological Series. Vol. XI, No. 2 



BRIEF MISCELLANEOUS 
HOPI PAPERS 



BY 

H. R. VoTii 





The Stanley McCormick Hopi Expedition 



George A. Doksev 
Curator, Department of Anthropology 




Chicago, U. S. A. 

February, 191 2 



\. 



BRIEF MISCELLANEOUS HOPI PAPERS 

BY 
H. R. VOTH. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

Paper Page 

I. Notes on Modern Burial Customs --------- 99 

II. Notes on the Eagle Cult of the Hopi - - - - - - - -105 

III. The Oraibi New Year Ceremony - - in 

IV. Tawa Baholawu of the Oraibi Fhite Societies - - - - - - 121 

V. Four Hopi Tales - - - . . . 137 

VI. Hopi Marriage Rites on the Wedding Morning - - - - - 145 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 



Plate. 

XXXIV. 

XXXV. 

XXXVI. 

XXXVII. 

XXXVIII. 

XXXIX. 

XL. 

XLI. 

XLII. 



XLIII. 

XLIV. 

XLV. 

XLVI. 

XLVII. 

XLVIII. 

XLIX. 

L. 

LI. 

LII. 

LIII. 

LIV. 

LV. 

LVI. 

LVII. 



A children's burial place, top view - - - - 

A children's burial place, side view - - - - 

General graveyard near Second Mesa 

General graveyard near Oraibi - - - - - 

Children's graves, top and side views 

Man taking prayer offerings to the grave 

Hopi depositing offerings on the grave of his children 

Eagle burial ground -----'' 

The eagle in captivity ----"" 

A. An eagle on the roof. 

B. A kiva (ceremonial chamber). 
Dolls representing the Eagle Katcina 

Catching and killing the eagle 

Plucking the eagle and assorting the feathers 
Taking the body to the eagle graveyard - 

The burying of the eagles 

Priests with sun symbols ----"' 

Eagle racks ----'"'"" 

Pots for watering eagles -----' 

Altar of the New Year ceremony - - - - 

The Kwan kiva and natsi -----' 

Naashashtiwa, chief Kwan Priest - - - - 

Priests and partial New Year altar - - - - 

Diagram of Drab Flute Baholawu - - - - 

Various prayer offerings ------ 

.\rtificial corn-stalks ----■■■ 



Opposite Page 

- 99 

- I GO 

- I OO 

- lOI 

- lOI 

- I02 

- I "3 

- 107 

- 107 



107 
108 
108 

108 

108 

109 
109 
109 

116 

117 
118 
119 

126 
129 
130 



i 



I. NOTES ON MODERN BURIAL CUSTOMS 



BY 
H. R. VOTH. 



FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. 



ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXXIV. 




I'liMiM 1,\- I ,. W. jaiius. Courtesy of the Pass. Dept. of the A. T 



PL. XXXIV. 

Children's burial places, top view. The piles of the smaller stones at the edge 
of the mesa, on some of which sticks and food bowls may be seen, indicate the crevice 
graves. 



NOTES ON MODERN BURIAL CUSTOMS OF THE 
HOPP OF ARIZONA 

I. Introduction. 

The belief in a future state and in a continued existence after death 
is well defined in the religious conception and in many rites and cere- 
monies of the Hopi. That part of man which they believe to be im- 
mortal they call hikvsi. The fundamental meaning of this term seems 
to coincide with that expressed by the Hebrew "ruach," the German 
"Hauch" or the Greek "pneuma." In its practical application the 
hikvsi is to the Hopi what to us is the soul in its ethical sense. At 
death the hikvsi leaves the body. When asked whether it is this 
hikvsi or the deceased person that continues to live in the skeleton 
house, the average Hopi may get confused. He knows that the body 
of the dead decays, and believes that it is by virtue or through the 
part that escapes from the body through the mouth at death, that the 
dead continue their existence in the future world. The details, with 
regard to this fact, are more or less vague in the mind of the Hopi, and 
vary considerably in the different traditions, clans and villages. 

This belief in a future state is not only manifested again and again 
in the different ceremonies of the Hopi, but it also pla>'s a conspicuous 
part in their burial customs, as will be seen in the following pages. 

2. The Death Chamber. 

While with civilized nations illness and impending death usually 
draws s^^npathy and helping hands to the place of afifliction it is, 
as a rule, not so with the Hopi. To be sure, families visited by severe 
sickness or death will usually not be left entirely to themselves, but it 
is, generally, only either father or mother or some other of the older 
relatives of the bereaved that manifest sympathy or renders assistance. 
As a rule the sick, for whom little hope of recovery exists, and the 
dying arc deserted by most of the relatives and friends. A few cases out 
of very many that came to the notice of the author, may be cited to 
illustrate this fact. Case i: Coming into a room one day I found two 
young women whom I was well acquainted with, sitting close together, 
silently weeping. They were sisters. Before them lay a beautiful 

' While these customs are essentially the same on the three mesas, these lirief observations refer 
more particularly to the village of Oraibi. 

99 



TOO Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. 

little child, dying. Upon my inquiry where the father of the child 
was, they told me, in one of the kivas (underground rooms). I im- 
mediately went there and found him at work. When I asked him wheth- 
er he knew that his only child was dying, he at first would not answer, 
but finally began to abuse his wife and accuse her of being the cause 
of the child's illness and death. I reasoned with him, but could not 
persuade him to go home and to share the bereavement with his broken- 
hearted wife. Case 2. A young woman, who had been confined, be- 
came very ill, as far as I could learn, with puerperal fever. Her husband 
did not seem to show any interest in her whatsoever and when he was 
told one day, that she had died and been buried, he seemed to be utterly 
unconcerned about the matter and afterward completely ignored the 
little child his wife had left him. Even when this child died, two years 
later, he did not seem to show any interest in it whatsoever. The aged 
grandparents, who had taken care of the little orphan, prepared the 
little corpse all alone and put it into a large rock crevice, pushing aside 
the bones of its little brother who had been buried there four years 
previously. Case 3: One day I went through the village and was 
looking among others, after an old grandinother to whose wants we had 
administered since my wife had, one cold December morning, found her 
nearly frozen near a spring not far from our house. When I looked into 
her little room I found her unconscious on her sleeping place on the 
floor. It was in the afternoon and none of her numerous relatives had 
concerned themselves about the sick, aged woman. Soon I found 
one of her sons, a man about 53 years old, in one of the kivas where he 
was eating. He said he knew that his mother had seemed to be very 
sick in the morning; that he had placed a morsel of food and a cup of 
water by her side and had then gone to herd sheep; but instead of 
hurrying to his dying mother first of all, upon his return, of whom he 
knew that she had been left all to herself, he had first gone to his house, 
gotten some food for himself and was eating it apparently with utter 
unconcern. Case 4: A little girl, that had been sick with consumption 
for quite a while, died during the night. As far as I could learn only 
the immediate family had been present at her death. As soon as the 
usual preparations of the body could be made, the father wrapped it 
into blankets and carried it in the dark night, not accompanied by any 
one, on his back along a narrow, lonely trail over hills, through gulches, 
between boulders, up a mesa and there, on a ledge, he removed the 
stones that had been piled over a large crevice and placed the remains 
of his dead child with those of several others that had been "put away " 
there; replaced the stones and thrust a new stick between them as a 
sign of the new inhabitant of that dreary family burial place. When 



PL. XXXV. Children's burial Places, Side View. 

A. Graves under rocks, showing food bowls. 

B . Graves in large crevice, showing sticks in stone piles. 



PL. XXXVI. 

General graveyard near Second Mesa. 



%-'^:mf\^^mkt.m~ 




l-"^ 



^ 1 


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1-U. 












1''.,'. ••' >4. t^>.-. t'V A ' •» ' ■.. ^, 

» ■ i '■. . ■ /* ^ ■' ■ V ., , 









.^ 



PL. XXXVII. 

General graveyard near Oraibi. 



PL. XXXVIII. Children's Graves. 

A. Graves, showing large bowls. 

B. Grave, .showing side view. 



Feb., 1912. Miscellaneous Hopi Papers — Voth. ioi 

he carried the usual prayer offerings and food to the grave on the third 
day I followed him over the same trail. Case 5: A man had died of 
gangrene in a broken leg. As the unfortunate man had had several 
peculiar attacks during his life it was extremely difficult to get any one 
to render any assistance while he was ill. One night, while we had left 
the patient to the care of his aged father a part of the time, the man 
had died towards morning and when we got to the house after breakfast 
we found that the man had died and the father, with the assistance of 
one relative had wrapped the body into blankets, taken it on his back, 
the relative supporting the legs, and the two men had thus dragged the 
very heavy corpse to a graveyard and buried him. Other similar 
cases could be cited, showing that death, or even approaching death, 
strikes such terror to the Hopi heart, that he shuns and flees the sick- 
bed and death-chamber as much as possible. For this reason he does 
not like to speak or hear others speak about the dead, however much he 
may have loved them and he prefers to say, "they are gone" or "they 
have gone to sleep" to saying, "they have died." 

When death has taken place those that are present cry and mourn 
but do not lament and scream, as I have had occasion to observe among 
other tribes. Occasionally a few relatives will assemble in the death- 
chamber and weep, but those are exceptions. The remains are at once 
prepared for burial. A nakwakwosi is tied to the hair in front. The 
face is covered with a layer of cotton, with openings for the eyes and 
for the nose, which is tied by a string around the forehead "to hide 
themselves in." To this string are fastened a number of nakwakwosis 
which they are supposed to wear in the other world. Black marks 
are made under the eyes on the lips, forehead, cheeks (I think), the 
palms of the hands and the soles of the feet.^ Some nakwakwosis- 
and sometimes a little food and a small vessel with drinking water is 
placed on the chest. The body is then wTapped into several blankets 
around which ropes are wound, and it is then carried on the back of the 
father or some relative, or on a horse or burrow to its last resting place. 

3. The Burial Places. 

If the deceased be a child, which has not yet been initiated into 
any of the religious societies, the little body is placed into one of the 
many crevices along the edge of the mesa, on which the village is situ- 
ated (see Plates XXXIV and XXXV). 

In various ceremonies nakwakwosis are prepared for the dead and 
deposited in shrines and other places where the dead come and get 
those prepared for them; and those who find none are said to be very 

' The faces of small children are sometimes only daubed with corn-meal. 
- Turkey or eagle feathers are used. 



I02 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. 

sorry and to cry. In one of the traditions the dead in the other world 
are said to complain to a visitor from this world, that their nakwakwosis 
before their faces are old and worn and that their friends forget to pre- 
pare new ones for thcm.^ If the burial place already contains the 
remains or bones of other children, that have died in that particular 
family, the stones, covering them, are removed, the new bundle placed 
into the crevice and the stones replaced. For every child thus buried 
a stick, from one to two feet long, is thrust between the rocks. After 
the covering of the buried remains has rotted away, the scull or bones 
may sometimes be seen in the crevice grave (see Plate XXXV). 

In the case of grown persons or in fact, anyone that is already a 
wimkya (member) of some fraternity, the body is buried in a graveyard 
which is usually on a slope of the mesa or of a hill near the mesa (see 
Plate XXXVI). A hole from five to seven feet deep is dug and the 
body placed into it in a sitting posture with the face towards the east. 
The hole is filled up with the earth or sand and usually a lot of stones 
placed on it (see Plate XXXVII). 

These burial grounds are scattered around the mesas ; they are not 
marked or enclosed, nor taken care of in any way whatsoever. It not 
infrequently happens, that either the windstorms blow away the sand 
exposing the bones or currents of water froin the high mesas break their 
way through a burial place and carry them away. 

Tombstones or similar signs or monuments, marking the last resting 
place of particular individuals, are unknown; but certain insignia, 
indicating the order to which the deceased belonged, are occasionally 
placed on the graves, such as the so-called Marau-vahos (see my paper 
on the jVIarau ceremony), which are placed on the graves of women 
having belonged to the Marau society, or mungkohos which may be found 
on graves of members of the Kwan (i\gavc) or Ahl (Horn) or other 
societies. (See Plate LV in my paper, "The Oraibi Powamu 
Ceremony.") 

4. PosT-MoRTEM Rites. 

On the third day, after the body has been buried, the last meal and 
the last prayer offerings are prepared. The first consists of piki (a 
thin wafer bread baked on large polished stone slabs), cooked beans, 
(oongawa), and sometimes a stew of corn, meat, herbs, etc., (noekwiwi), 
is prepared by the woman, mother, wife, aunt or other near relative. 
This food is put into a bowl which is placed on the grave on the third 
day where it remains (see Plates XXXV and XXXVII). The father, 
brother or uncle of the deceased, that has prepared the remains for 
burial, now makes one double green baho (prayer stick, with black 

' See the author's "Traditions of the Hopi Indians." page 119. 



PL. XXXIX. 



A. Man taking prayer offerings to the grave. 

B. Man arranging prayer offerings at the grave. 



PL. XL. 



A. Man, praying over the offerings to be deposited on the grave of his children. 

B. Depositing the prayer offerings. 



Feb., 1912. Miscellaneous Hopi Papers — Voth. 103 

points), one single black baho, called chochokpi (seat), a piihu (road), 
consisting of an eagle breath feather. To this are tied two cotton 
strings, a shorter one, twisted several times, the other a single thread, 
but somewhat longer. Besides. this he makes about six nakwakwosis. 
All this the one who makes the prayer offerings takes to the grave 
(see Plate XXXIX) towards evening and places the two prayer 
sticks, the nakwakwosis, some corn-meal and the bowl with food on 
the grave (see Plate XL), the road he places on the ground west 
of the grave, the thin string pointing westward. From this road 
he sprinkles a meal line westward denoting the continuation of the 
road. According to a belief of the Hopi the hikvsi (breath or soul) 
of the deceased ascends early the next morning from the grave, par- 
takes of the hikvsi of the food, mounts the hikvsi of the seat and 
then travels along the road to the masski (skeleton house) taking the 
hikvsi of the double baho along as an offering. (Comp. Voth: "Tra- 
ditions of the Hopi," pages log and 114.) In the case of the death 
of a small child, that has not yet been initiated into an\' societies, 
the road is made from the grave towards the home of the child, 
because it is believed that the soul of that child returns to the house 
of its parents and is reincarnated in the next child that is bom in 
that family. Until that time the little soul is believed to hover 
over the house. It is said, that when an unusual noise is heard in the 
house, for instance a crackling in the roof, they think the little soul is 
moving about and the mother then often seci:etly deposits a pinch of 
food on the floor in some part of the house for her departed child. When 
I asked one time what became of that child-soul in case no further birth 
took place in the family, I was told, that in such a case the soul remained 
near the house until its mother died, who then took the little soul with 
her to the other world. 

Later the dead are sonietimes remembered by prayer offerings and 
food in such ceremonies as the Soyal, Marau, etc. (See the "Oraibi 
Soyal Ceremony" by Dorsey and Voth, page 57, and my paper on 
the "Oraibi Marau Ceremony," page 30.) 



II. NOTES ON THE EAGLE CULT OF THE HOPI 

BY 
H. R. VOTH. 



PL. XLI. 

Eagle burial ground. 



PL. XLII. 



A. An eagle in captivity on the roof of a house. 

B. One of the kivas, or ceremonial chambers, in which most of the eagle feathers 
are used for ceremonial purposes. 



FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY. PL. XLIII. 




PL. XLIII. 
Dolls, representing the Eagle Katcina. 



NOTES ON THE EAGLE CULT AMONG THE HOPI 

INDIANS. 

As among other uncivilized people, the eagle plays a very conspicuous 
part in the conception of the traditions of the Hopi, especially in their 
religious rites and ceremonies. There are Eagle clans, Eagle Katcinas, 
special prayer offerings for the eagles, eagle burying grounds (see 
Plate XLI), etc. 

The territory around the Hopi villages where eagles may be found 
is, and has been from time immemorial, divided into portions or allot- 
ments, which are controlled by certain clans and families. These terri- 
tories extend as far as 50 and 60 miles from the villages. The infonna- 
tion, regarding this apportionment, is somewhat vague, but I am led 
to believe that originally the Eagle clan, and later also clans related to 
the Eagle clan, were the only ones that "owned" the eagles, while it 
appears that at present families of other clans also share that privilege.^ 
It is said that at present, the Bear, Spider, Reed, Young corn. Burrow- 
ing Owl, Blue Bird, Bow, Lizard, Badger and Eagle clan of Oraibi 
control eagle territory. 

Every spring hunting expeditions set out to procure young eagles. 
These, when captured in their roosts, are usually tied to racks (see 
Plate XLIX) and cariied to the villages where they are kept on the 
flat house tops, tied by one leg to some beam, rock or peg to prevent 
their escape (see Plat3 XLII). Here they are fed with rabbits, field 
mice, etc., until about July, when they have grown to full size. The 
number of birds, thus captured, varies very much in different years. 
One year there were thirty-five in the village of Oiaibi alone. Among 
these are usually also various kinds of hawks, especially a certain 
large kind, which the Hopi call palakwahu "red-eagle," the feathers 
of which are used very extensively for prayer offerings, masks, eagle 
shafts etc. 

In nearly all the principal cereinonies the eagles are remembered 
by prayer offerings, prepared for them by the priests. These consist 
usually of small eagle or hawk feathers, tied to a twisted cotton string, 
about four inches long, and are called nakwakwosis. These nakwakwosis 
are handed to those priests who are part owners in an eagle allotment, 

'Compare ''Property-Right in Eagles among the Hopi" by Dr. J. Walter Fewkes, American 
Anthropologist. Vol. II, No. 4. 

107 



io8 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. 

and who deposit them with some sacred meal in shrines, devoted to the 
eagles.' 

During the winter and spring months, when the Kateina eult flour- 
ishes in all the \'illages, and Katcinas of the greatest variety may be 
seen in the different ceremonies and dances, Eagle Katcinas, i. e., 
masked Hopi representing eagles, or more properly speaking an Eagle 
deity, may occasionally be seen. The typical features of this person- 
age are a mask with an artificial eagle beak and otherwise representing 
the head of an eagle; sometimes large eagle feathers are fastened to 
the arms and to the back part of the costume representing the wnngs 
and tail of the eagle (see Plate XLIII). These Katcinas receive 
prayer offerings at the dances, which they deposit at Kateina shrines 
"that the eagles may not fail to lay eggs and hatch them again the 
next year." 

On the day after the great Niman (Farewell) Kateina ceremony in 
Juh^ all the eagles in the village, except here and there one that is not 
fully grown, are killed. This killing is done at about eight or nine 
o'clock in the morning. While one person holds the rope, another 
throws a blanket over the eagle and carries him down from the roof, 
choking him while he descends (see Plate XLIV). No eagle is killed 
by any other method. When life is extinct the feathers are plucked 
and carefully assorted (see Plate XLV). When the larger feathers 
have all been pulled the body of the eagle is flayed and the skin with 
the remaining feathers also carefully dried and preserved on account of 
the feathers. Nakwakwosis are then tied to the wings and legs of the 
carcass "that the eagles should not be angry but hatch young eagles 
again the next year." During this time a small tray, a small flat doll 
and a few rolls of blue piki (the thin, typical Hopi bread), about four 
inches long and about one inch thick, are prepared. When these 
preparations are completed the carcass, the prayer offerings and a 
pointed stick are taken to one of the grave-yards especially devoted 
to eagles (see Plate XLI). Here a hole is dug in the ground with 
the pointed stick, and the eagle body, with the food, placed into it 
(see Plate XLVH). These grave-yards are usually located from 
half to three-quarters of a mile from the village. 

The feathers, thus obtained from the eagles, are used for many 
different purposes, mostly, however, ceremonial. The smaller ones 
mostly for nakwakwosis, that have only one twisted string and for 
piihus, that have one twisted and one single string attached to them. 
Of these two kinds thousands are made on many different occasions 

1 Mr. C. L. Owen, who just returned from the Hopi-land says: "Small vessels are often placed 
near rocks where eagles are supposed to hatch and to roost, which are from time to time filled with 
water and also a pinch of meal sprinkled on it. (See PI. L). 



PL. XLIV. Catching and Killing the Eagle. 

A. The capture on the roof of the house. 

B. Choking the bird. 



PL. XLV. 

A. Plucking the eagle. 

B. Assorting the feathers. 



PL. LXVI. 



A. Leaving the village with the eagle bodies. 

B. Arriving at the burial ground. 



PL. LXVII. 
Burying the eagles. 



FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. 



ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XLVII. 




N 



i? 






PL. XLVIII. 
Priests with sun symbols on their backs, in which eagle tail feathers represent 
the rays of the sun. 



FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. 



ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XLIX. 




PL. XLIX. 

Racks on which the young eagles are fastened and carried to the villages after 
their capture. 



PL. L. 

Pots in which water is kept for the eagles near their roosts. 



Feb., 1912. Miscellaneous Hopi Papers — Voth. 109 

during the year. The larger feathers are used on masks, standards, 
altars, arrow shafts, and for many other purposes. The typical Hopi 
sun symbol is profusely decorated with eagle tail feathers which, in 
this case, represent the rays of the sun. In the great Flute ceremony 
every Flute player wears such a sun symbol on his back as a part of his 
ceremonial costume. He also wears on the head a ring of corn-husks, 
into which are thrust eagle breath feathers, while other participants 
in this, and in fact in most Hopi ceremonies, have a smaller eagle 
feather fastened to their scalp lock (see Plate XLVUI). 

In all ceremonies of any importance whistles are used that are often 
made of eagle bones and the chief priest uses an eagle ^ wing feather 
when he discharms the participants in the ceremony from the charm, 
peculiar to that order of ceremony. To the "tassels" on the corners 
of the bridal costume eagle nakwakwosis are tied and an eagle feather 
piihu (road) is placed to the west of the grave of departed Hopi 
to show them the road to the skeleton house. Also certain prayer 
offerings, which are placed on the grave, are made of an eagle feather. 
Other eagle feather roads, with a longer string, are placed by the 
Hopi doctors on the paths that lead from the village to show the evil 
spirits of disease the road on which they are requested to leave their 
victims whom the Medicine man has discharmed, and the village. The 
natsi or society emblem of the Lagon and the Oaqol fraternity contain 
two eagle tail feathers and certain standards and other ceremonial 
objects of other societies are decorated with the same feather. The 
whips which the Snake priests take with them on their Snake hunts and 
use in the Snake dance consist of a handle with two large eagle wing 
feathers fastened to it, and to the point of which is fastened a small 
fuzzy eagle feather which is painted red. A number of similar, small 
red feathers fastened to short twisted cotton strings form the prayer 
offerings, which the Snake hunter, also takes with him and which he 
throws with some sacred meal to the reptile which he intends to capture 
for the ceremony. 

' Usually, however, a buzzard feather is used for this purpose. 



III. THE ORAIBI NEW YEAR CEREMONY 

BY 
H. R. VOTH. 



INTRODUCTION. 

The ceremony, of which a brief description is given in the following 
pages, has been observed by the author, partly on September ii, 1897, 
partly on September 29, 1901, and could even then not be thoroughly 
studied.^ He had hoped to have an opportunity to complete his obser- 
vations at some future time, and for that reason has delayed to publish 
these notes. But as he has thus far not had that opportunity, it was 
thought best to place on record these brief notes with the hope, that 
some one may make further studies of this ceremony and thus be enabled 
to give a fuller report of it. 

The rite, herewith described, is usually called Yasanf^ivlawu — mean- 
ing (to) make, create (the) year, as it introduces the new Hopi ceremonial 
year, an event which would seem to justify a more pretentious ceremony. 
It is possible, however, that in times past it may have been more elabo- 
rate, like other ceremonies that have dwindled down to insignificant per- 
formances since the Hopi have separated into several opposing factions 
who have carried their strife with great bitterness even into the chambers 
of their sacred shrines, altars and ceremonies, and into their religious 
and every day life in general. 

This strife between the factions has, since the time this ceremony 
was studied, gone so far, that several portions of the inhabitants of 
the old village of Oraibi have been driven out and have built two new 
small villages a few miles away, so that the people are now not only 
in sentiment but also locally separated into three factions, which will, 
of course, very rapidly cause further deterioration of the complicated 
and extremely interesting ceremonial cults of the Hopi Indians." 

1 As far as I know, this ceremony has never been witnessed by any other white man. 

- A striking illustration of this fact is shown on PL No. LIV of this paper, where the altar is shown 
as it appeared at the performance of 190 1. As the conservative faction of the society positively re- 
fused to participate in the ceremony and to allow the part of the altar that was in their charge to be 
used, a few members of the liberal faction assembled and put up the objects that were in their keeping, 
and observed the ceremony as well as they were able to do, complaining very bitterly about the attitude 
of the opposing members of the fraternity. 



NEW YEAR CEREMONY. 

(YASANGWLAWU.) 

This ceremony is performed, as far as observed, in the month of 
September, by the Kwakwantu fraternity in the Kwan or Agave kiva 
(see Plate LI I), which is located at the south edge of the old village 
of Oraibi. In the performance of 1897, which forms the basis for this 
paper, the leaders were: Naashashtiwa, Talasswungwnima Chokioma, 
Nasingyamtiwa, Nakwaheptiwa and Shakyeshtiwa. The last named 
had gotten water from the springs in netted gourd vessels and Nak- 
waheptiwa had also gotten the sand for the altar sand-ridge when I 
came in. 

Naashashtiwa soon commenced to make prayer offerings. He made 
the following kinds: 

One single black baho, with a turkey feather and chat nakwakwosi. 

Two double black bahos, with the same kind of feathers. 

Four eagle feather nakwakwosis. 

Two eagle feather puhus (roads). 

Talasswungwnima made just the same only his bahos had duck, 
instead of chat feathers. 

Chokioma made six nakwakwosis and two piihus, all of eagle 
feathers. 

All the bahos and nakwakwosis were laid on a tray. 

Naashashtiwa placed one of his bahos and nakwakwosis with Tal- 
asswungwnima's, the latter one of his with Naashashtiwa's. 

The latter then made a long piihu. The other men now also made 
prayer offerings as follows: 

Nakwaheptiwa four nakwakwosis and two piihus. 

Shakyeshtiwa, eight of the same kind. 

Nasinyamtiwa the same. 

The two piihus, I was told, were one for the sun, one for the moon. 
All then smoked over their prayer offerings, whereupon they were 
placed on a tray. Hereupon Naashashtiwa spurted honey on the 
tray and also out of the hatch-way. 

This done, Naashashtiwa (see Plate LIII) repainted a stick, about 
twenty-eight inches long, and four crooks. To the stick he tied six old 
eagle feathers at one end, and below that, at four different places, a 
piece of corn-husk and a small feather to the crooks. One of the men 

115 



ii6 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XL 

was sent after clay, of which he made five cone-shaped stands or pedestals 
about 3x4 inches large. Naashashtiwa then made a semi-circular 
sand-ridge, and put thirty-two black eagle wing feathers into the ridge 
and then corn -meal and black lines on it. He then painted two black 
lines (crossing each other) on the base of his tiponi and of each clay 
stand. Talasswungwnima took out his tiponi, old nakwakwosis, etc., 
from their old wrappings and ]3laced them on the floor, to be used on the 
altar. Naashashtiwa then put the long, black stick, described before, 
into one of the stands and placed it in the centre before the sand-ridge. 
He then placed his tiponi to the west end of the ridge each time, first 
sprinkling meal first from six directions towards the centre, but instead 
of from the south-west (7^-) (for below), as is done ever\'^vhere else, he 
sprinkled from the north-west (-^). This deviation from the univer- 
sal rule I have observed several times in the ceremonies of this fraternity 
in the Kwan kiva, and here only. A further variation consists in the 
fact that tiponis of the Kwakwantu have tied to them what seems to be 
a small tiponi. The two tiponis, used in this ceremony, were of that 
kind (see Plate LI). 

Talasswungwnima now put up his tiponi at the east end of the 
ridge, and then placed the medicine bowl before the altar, and poured 
water into it from three gourd vessels, also observing the directions 
(as just explained) in the waving of the tiponi, bowl, sprinkling meal, 
pouring water, etc. Wherever the six directions are observed in this 
kiva, in whatever performance, north-west takes the place of south-west. 
Naashashtiwa then strew a small quantity of either meal or corn-pollen 
into the medicine bowl from the six directions and then sprinkled a 
meal line in a south-east direction from the altar and put the four gourd 
vessels and four crooks on the line (see Plate LI). He then took a 
seat west, Talasswungwnima south-west of the altar; Nakwaheptiwa, 
who had in the meanwhile lighted a pipe, handed it to Talaswungwnima, 
who smoked, then handed the pipe to Naashashtiwa, who also smoked. 

I now went out about ten minutes, and when I returned I found the 
corn-ears lying around the medicine bowl, and the two old men were 
singing, Naashashtiwa rattling a mosilili (cone shell rattle), and Talass- 
wungwnima putting a little corn-pollen on each corn-ear at short inter- 
vals. The corn-ears were placed around the bowl not before, but during 
this song. Whether this was the second song, the first having been 
chanted while I was not there, I do not know. 

Other song: Talasswungwnima placed small pieces of stone or shell 
near the corn-ears, first one north, then west, south, east, north-east 
and north-west. 

Other song: Talasswungwnima put an old makwanpi (aspergill) 



PL. LI. Altar of the New Year Ceremony. 

In the sand-ridges are thirty-two eagle wing feathers. On each side stands a 
tiponi (palladium of chief priests), which differ from all other Hopi tiponies in having 
what resembles a small tiponi attached to them. They are used also in other 
ceremonies in this kiva. In the centre stands a standard and in front of it the 
medicine bowl with the ears of corn and their "husbands," the old aspergills. In 
front of this are placed, in a slanting line, four netted gourd vessels and four crooks> 
(symbols of life). By the side of these objects are a cloud-blower, a boy with tobacco, 
some pipes, bahos and a tray with meal, shell rattles and nakwakwosis. 



FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. 



ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LI. 




Drawing by C. L. Dalrymple. 



PL. Lll. 



A. The Kwan kiva in which the New Year ceremony is performed. 

B. The same, showing the natsi or standard. To the short sticks are tied the 
following kinds of feathers: 



North: 




Oriole, 


West: 




Bluebird, 


South: 




Parrot, 


East: 




Magpie, 


North-east : 


Sparrow, 


South- 


west: 


Warbler. 



Feb., 1912. Miscellaneous Hopi Papers — Voth. 117 

and old nakwakwosi near each corn-ear at short intervals. Those 
aspergills are called the husbands of the corn-ears.^ 

Other song: The rattles were moved backward and forward. Tal- 
asswungwninia threw a pinch of corn-meal along the north corn-ear into 
the medicine bowl, took up the corn-ear and its husband and wiped with 
the latter the corn-pollen from the ear into the medicine bowl and re- 
placed both. This he did with all six. Then he threw the six stones 
(or pieces of shell) one after the other into the bowl, and then at another 
round the old nakwakwosis. There not being any intervals between 
these different acts in the singing, I could not conclusively determine 
whether all this was done during one song or several; especially since 
the appai-ent deficient knowledge of the (mostly archaic) songs on the 
part of the priest caused considerable confusion. But from analogy 
I believe that these different rites were performed, or were supposed 
to be performed during different songs. 

Nakwaheptiwa and Nasingyamtiwa were sitting near the fireplace 
during this singing. 

Other song: Talasswungwnima took up all six ears of corn, put 
them, points downward, into the medicine bowl, and held them in that 
manner; Nakwaheptiwa took the east and west old aspergill, and held 
the first with the right hand against the east, the other with the left 
hand against the west side of the medicine bowl.^ Naashashtiwa here- 
upon whistled with a bone whistle six times. As he was the only one 
who seemed to know the songs fairly well, the singing stopped while 
he blew the whistle. The corn-ears were then replaced. 

Other song: Talasswungwnima sprinkled six times. Quite a long 
pause occurred because Naashashtiwa had also forgotten part of the 
song. After singing for a little while longer they stopped; Naashashtiwa 
and Talasswungwnima sprinkled meal on the altar. Nakwaheptiwa 
lighted a pipe and both smoked, which ended the ceremony in the 
forenoon. 

In the afternoon nothing was done except talking, smoking, etc. 
More men came into the kiva, so that by evening about a dozen men 
were present. It seems strange, that so few men took part in this 
ceremony. Many members of the fraternity, who were supposed to be 
there, were kept away by the existing animosity between the two con- 
tending factions in the village, about which those present complained 
bitterly. Others were deterred by work in their corn-fields; some of 
them came into the kiva in the evening for the night ceremony. 

At about one o'clock in the night (September 12, a. m.) Naashashtiwa 

1 I could not determine whether what was sung until now was all one or several songs. I believe 
the first to be the case. 

- Exactly the same performance occurs in the ceremonies of the Flute fraternity. 



ii8 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. 

swept up the line of meal on which the four crooks and the four *^ourd 
vessels were standing. Then he smoked and hereupon sprinkled some 
meal into the medicine bowl, made a new meal line and placed the four 
crooks and four gourd vessels on the line again, as before. He and 
Talasswungwnima then sat down west and south-west of the altar 
again, as in the forenoon. Old Chokioma now lighted a pipe, handed 
it to Talasswungwnima and the two priests sinoked again ; Lomalehtiwa 
soon joined them. A number of new men had come in during the even- 
ing so that there wxre about a dozen men present at that time. 

At about 1:35 A. M. Naashashtiwa offered a short prayer, and then 
the singing commenced again, several of the newcomers joining in. 
Lomalehtiwa also rattled a inosilill. Nakwaheptiwa smoked and an- 
other man, who acted as Fire chief, soon joined him. At i :45 a. m. there 
was a pause in the singing; all rubbed their bodies with their hands and 
blew into his hands and then into the air. But the singing was soon 
resumed. Naashashtiwa, during this song, took his tiponi, Talasswungw- 
niina the medicine bowl; the young man, who made the cla\' stands, 
took Talassw^ungwnima's tiponi, six of the others each took an ear of 
corn and its husband and each one beat time with the ol^ject he held in 
his hand. The song lasted about eight minutes. The objects were 
then all replaced. 

Other song: Naashashtiwa handed his mosilili to one of the other 
men, I think, because his ann w^as tired. 

Other song: At about 2:35 Naashashtiwa lighted the cloud blower 
pipe, spurted honey over it and then blew smoke over the altar; the 
smoke is supposed to represent clouds. 

Other song: Several fell asleep; two of the mosililis stopped. Final- 
ly old Naashashtiwa sang and rattled alone, and he seemed to be very 
tired and sleepy too. Here and there he was assisted a little by Tal- 
asswungwnima, who seemed to be unacquainted with the songs. 

It was now 3:25 a. m.; I could not determine just how many songs 
were sung, as the intervals, if any, were very brief. Most of the men 
were sleeping by this time. 

Another song was intoned which dragged along vmtil about 3:45. 
This was follow^ed by several others, mostly sung by poor old Naashash- 
tiwa alone, here and there one of the men assisting him a little either in 
singing or rattling. 

Ag 5:00 a. m. the singing stopped, the priests smoked, and I think 
Naashashtiwa uttered a short prayer. 

All were then silently sitting and w'aiting awhile, most of them being 
awake by this time. At 5 :3o a. m. the two priests took their tiponis, sat 
down north of the fireplace, and Naashashtiwa, waving his one slowly 



PL. Llll. 

Naashashtiwa, chief priest of the Kwan society. 



FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. Llll. 




PL. LIV. Priests and a Partial New Year Altar. 

The picture is an illustration of the havoc which the contentions among the 
different factions in Oraibi works even in their ceremonies. The altar contains 
only one tiponi instead of two, only two gourd vessels instead of four, no crooks, 
and shows a disturbed condition generally. 



Feb., 1912. Miscellaneous Hopi Papers — Voth. iiq 

up and down, sang slowly for awhile, whereupon they replaced thein, 
and the men then smoked a while. 

This is as far as I was able to study this ceremony, but believe that 
no further performances took place. The new ceremonial year, with 
its cycle of secret and public ceremonies and dances, had been ushered 
in. A few weeks later the Wuwuchim ceremony, probably the most 
important in the entire ceremonial calender, is celebrated. The youths 
and young men of the village are then initiated into the Wuwuchim 
(men's) Agave, Horn and Singer fraternities, and right after it appears 
the first Katcina — the Soyal, — announcing, as it were, the approaching 
Katcina season. Still a few weeks later on the occasion of the great 
Soyal celebration, the Qooqoqlom Katcinas make the round of the vil- 
lages, "opening" the kivas for the coming Katcinas, whereupon a series 
of Katcina perfonnances of great variety of names, costumes and pur- 
pose appear at shorter and longer intervals until the Katcina season 
closes with the Niman, or Farewell Katcina ceremony in July.^ Mean- 
time certain secret ceremonies by the different orders take place in the 
different kivas, by the Flute, Snake, Marau, Oaqol and other societies, 
especially during December, January and February, some lasting one 
day others nine days. With the exception of the Powamu ceremony, 
which is very closely related to the Katcina cult and during which the 
Katcina imitations take place, these secret winter kiva perfonnances 
are less complicated and apparently of less importance than those per- 
formed by these societies between the Niman (Farewell) and the next 
New Year ceremony. 

' See the Author's paper on "The Oraibi Niman Ceremony," in preparation by The Field Museum. 



IV. TAWA BAHOLAWU OF THE ORAIBI FLUTE 

SOCIETIES 



BY 
H. R. VOTH. 



PREFACE. 

The sun plays a very conspicuous part in the Hopi rehgion. There 
is, as far as I know, no secret or altar ceremony where some prayer 
offerings for the sun are not prepared and deposited. But in no other 
society's ceremonial does the sun cult occupy such a large part as in 
that of the two Flute orders, the Blue and the Drab. Not only are 
many prayer offerings made for the sun, sun symbols used, etc., in the 
regular Flute ceremonies (see Plate XLVIII), but these two societies 
each celebrate a one day ceremony in winter and one in svimmer for the 
special purpose of making prayer offerings for the sun. They call 
these observances Tawa Baholawu, (Sun Prayer Offering making). This 
paper gives brief descriptions of these sun ceremonies. None of them 
is entirely complete, but as a good deal of similarity exists between them 
they will give a fairly good idea of the general nature of this phase of 
the Hopi sun cult, until more complete and detailed data can be ob- 
tained. As the dissensions and quarrels among the Oraibi have already 
very materially affected the completeness of the different ceremonies 
in that village, it was thought best to publish the data which we have, 
though they may be more or less fragmentary^ 

All the ceremonies of the Drab Flute society are more elaborate than 
those of the Blue Flute order. This may be due to the fact that the 
number of Blue Flute members belonging to the liberal faction, and who 
do not participate in their ceremonies, is smaller than that of the Drab 
Flute members who belong to the conservative faction and hence refuse 
to take part in any ceremony of their — the Drab Flute — society. The 
latter has usually a greater number of singers and players, and prepares 
more prayer offerings than the Blue Flutes. The only instance where I 
have ever seen these two societies cooperate is the nine day summer 
ceremony. Here the two great observances interlink repeatedly, which 
makes a cooperation imperative, as without it the great mutual cere- 
mony would be incomplete and hence in the mind of the Hopi fail to 
accomplish its purposes. 



THE WINTER CEREMONY OF THE DRAB FLUTE 

SOCIETY. 

January 20, 1898. 

This ceremony took place in the Hawiowi Kiwa (from hawni, descend, 
slope), in which all the winter ceremonies of the Masi-Lalentu (Drab 
Flute Society) take place. The following members were present: 



I. 


Lomahungwa^ 


Chief priest. 


2. 


Namitnyaoma 




3* 


Tangakyeshtiwa 




4. 


Chokioma 




5- 


Kwavaho 


■ Singers. 


6. 


Shakwuna 




7- 


Qomahoiniwa 




8. 


Talasyamtiwa 




9- 


Towahoyniwa 




10. 


vSiviletstiwa 




II. 


Bantimtiwa 


- Flute players. 


12. 


Shakyamtiwa 




13- 


Masaveima 




14. 


Shakwaima 





The men began to come into the kiva at about 10 a. m. Lomahung- 
wa was, I believe, the first, then Talasyamtiwa, Towahoyniwa, Masa- 
veima, etc. Every one smoked first before he commenced to make 
prayer offerings. At first only an old short single baho stick was in 
the hatch- way matting, serving as a natsi or society emblem. The 
two long baho sticks for the regular natsi were lying on the floor. 

While more men came in, those in the kiva were smoking, and Masa- 
veima related old hunting yarns, while Lomahungwa was silently work- 
ing at four double green bahos about four inches long and four single 
black bahos about five inches long. Before he finished them he put a 
large turkey feather, kunya and maovi," and the usual corn-husk packet 
with meal and honey to the two baho sticks that had been lying on the 
floor and that were about twelve inches long, and tied this natsi to the 
right pole of the ladder. After much smoking and talking all went to 

1 The accents on the names will be given in this list only. 

2 Artemisia frigida and Gutierrezia Euthamiae Torr & Gray. 



126 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XL 

making nakwakwosis of different kinds and numbers, varying with the 
different men. Shakwuna and Masaveima each made six nakwakwosis 
and two piihtavis; Tangakyeshtiwa, six nakwakwosis and four piihtavis; 
Qomaho, six piihtavis; Namitnyaoma, nine nakwakwosis and two 
puhtavis; Siviletstiwa, a good many of both, ete. Each one, when 
done, smoked and spurted honey over his bahos or nakwakwosis. 
Lomahungwa also did the same with his bahos and nakwakwosis, and 
then also walked up the ladder and spurted honey up the ladder and 
through the hatch-way. 

All bahos and nakwakwosis were then placed on a tray on the north, 
west, south and east sides; on the north-east (above) and south-west 
(below) only nakwakwosis. 

Food was then brought to the kiva by women, and all jjartook of the 
noon-day meal in the kiva. 

After dinner Qomaho fixed the six direction altar (see Plate LV), 
sprinkling first dry, fine sand on the floor. He then sprinkled meal 
from six directions, placing the medicine bowl on the centre of these 
lines. The six corn-ears and six old aspergills he placed around the 
bowl in the usual ceremonial order. First, I think, he poured the water 
into the medicine bowl. Then he put a green object, perhaps about two 
and one-half by two inches in size, into the bowl. This piece of sherd 
or stone had evidently been broken from a larger piece and seemed to 
be very old. It w^as of a light green color, opaque, but had highly pol- 
ished places, evidently from long usage. On one side it was smooth, 
on the other it had raised decorations as if it had been either cast in a 
mould or carved. It resembled stone objects found in the ruins of 
Mexico. Qomaho furthermore placed six pieces of shell and stone and 
six old nakwakwosis of six different feathers near the six corn-ears. 
Reaching with a small stick into nine different small buckskin bags, he 
put what little powder adhered to the stick into the medicine bowl. 
He then rubbed onto each corn-ear a little paste which was said to have 
been made of various kinds of seeds, and lastly he put a little honey into 
the bowl. Towahoyniwa then brought in a small ball of snow (about 
three inches in diameter), into which he thrust four oriole feathers. 
He said that he did this "so that the snow should melt and make the 
fields wet." 

Lomahungwa had in the meanwhile filled the big cloud pipe, or 
cloud blower, and put up the tiponi. The Flute players were now 
getting ready their flutes. Qamoho put a little talasi (corn-pollen) on 
a corn-husk to be used in the altar ceremony. All now took their 
places and waited. (See diagram, Plate LV). Lomahungwa lighted 
the cloud pipe and blew smoke over the altar. Singing then began. 



PL. LV. Diagram of drab Flute Baholawu. 



I. Position of the chief priest Lomahungwa. 

2-7. Position of the other leaders that participated in the singing, sprinkling, 
etc. 

8-14. Position of the Flute players. 

15. Tiponi (palladium or badge of office of the chief priest). 

16. Medicine bowl surrounded by six ears of corn, six old makwaupis, called 
the "husbands" of the corn-ears, six small nakwakwosis, and six small stones of 
various colors. 

17. Fireplace. 



FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. 



ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LV. 



/r. 



f 




«^l2Sj U'^^ 






/6 



O 



o 



7 

o 



o 



o 



o 



;3 

o 



tO 

o 



o 




Drawing by C. L. Dalryinple. 



Feb., 1912. Miscellaneous Hopi Papers — Voth. 127 

First song: Old Chokioma stood up, held a long buzzard wing feather 
in each hand, sprinkled a little meal on each, beat time with them, 
circled them o\'cr the medicine bowl, and brushed the meal from each 
with the other. I think he did this six times, and then sat down. 

Other song: Old Chokioma made the four lines on the sides of the 
kiva and between the north-east and east and the south-west and west 
corn-ears. I did not notice whether he threw any meal to the ceiling. 

I should have remarked that the priests number one, two and three 
were beating time with mosililis (cone shell rattles) ; number four with 
one of the long eagle feathers; numbers five and six also with such feath- 
ers, and number seven, during the first part of the ceremony with noth- 
ing, and during the last with the aspergill (see Plate LV.) 

Other song: Qomaho picked up the north aspergill sprinkled a little 
cornmeal and corn-pollen along it and into the bowl, then slid the piece 
of shell along the aspergill and threw the shell in and replaced the 
aspergill. He repeated this with the remaining five. 

Other song: Qoinaho did the same performance in the same way, 
only now threw the old nakwakwosis, one after the other, into the 
bowl and whistled with a bone whistle each time. 

A short pause occurred here in the singing, during which Qomaho 
whistled several times. 

Other song: (During which all the players sat around the fireplace 
and smoked.) Qomaho picked up each corn-ear and washed off the 
"paste" into the bowl, and sprinkled each time with his aspergill. 
He then, between this and the next song, put all the corn-ears into the 
medicine bowl, points downward. Chokioma picked up the old asper- 
gills from the south and west sides of the bowl, held them in his hand, 
also holding the medicine bowl with each hand, and then 

Another song was intoned. All the players fluted again. The 
corn-ears were then replaced in their regular order. 

Other so)ig: Qomaho from now on beat time with his aspergill and 
occasionalh' sprinkled on the baho tray and then over the altar. Loma- 
hungvva sprinkled corn-meal along the six corn-ears into the medicine 
bowl. Sprinkling by Qomaho. 

Other song: Sprinkling by Qomaho. 

Other song: Sprinkling by Qomaho. 

I here left, but have reason to believe that very little of importance 
took place after this. 

None of the men wore any part of a ceremonial costume in this 
entire performance. Some of the players kept their shirts on, but all 
wore the hair loose, which is always the case in all Hopi ceremonies. 



128 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XL 

THE WINTER CEREMONY OF THE BLUE FLUTE 

SOCIETY. 

January 20, 1898. 

This ceremony took place on January 20th, 1S98, in the Sakwalanve 
(Blue Flute) kiva, where all the winter ceremonies of this fraternity 
take place. Lomahungyoma was the leader of the ceremony. 

Besides the ceremony Anga-Katcina masks, moccasins, etc., were 
painted and costumes prepared in the kiva for a Katcina dance that 
evening. 

The men that came in always first smoked awhile near the fireplace. 
Lomahungyoma, who alone wore a ceremonial kilt, made fi\'e double 
green bahos. All the men who took part in the ceremony made a num- 
ber of nakwakwosis which were placed on a tray with the bahos. When 
all had finished their nakwakwosis the tray was placed on the floor in 
the northern part of the kiva, and eleven men gathered around it and 
sang, but I could not follow this ceremony as I wanted to get the Drab 
Flute Ceremony complete. When I came in again they were smoking, 
and each one took some honey which he spurted on the tray after he 
had smoked. The bahos and nakwakwosis were then carried out and 
deposited outside the village. As I followed the first man (to the north) , 
I could not ascertain how many men went, but I think five. The man 
whom I accompanied put down the baho first, then the nakwakwosis 
(a good many) in front of it, and in front of the nakwakwosis a piihtavi 
and along that and towards the sun he sprinkled some sacred meal. 

The noonday meal was then partaken of, after which a singing 
ceremony took place in the north-east corner of the kiva, four of the 
men sitting on the floor along the north and four along the east ban- 
quette. Before them stood a tray with meal and I believe some more 
prayer offerings, and also a long eagle wing feather. 

The eight men had each a mossilili (cone shell rattle) except one who 
had a long buzzard feather. On the west banquette stood seven Flute 
players, three of whom were boys. A number of songs were sung, ac- 
companied by playing. Lomahungyoma whistled at short intervals 
with a short bone w^histle. I do not think that anyone had a kilt or 
any other ceremonial costume on except Lomahungyoma. I could not 
see the termination of the ceremony, but from analogy I am sure, that 
at the conclusion of the singing and playing smoking took place. It is 
also my opinion, that some of the prayer offerings, made in this cere- 
mony, were taken to some more distantly located sun shrines, especially 
to those on a mesa a few miles east of Oraibi. 



\ 



FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. 



ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LVI. 









7. '^ 



\^ 






Drawing by C. L. Dalrymp!e> 



PL. LVl. Various Prayer Offerings. 



White ear of corn with yellow dots. 



White ear of corn with green dots. 

White ear of corn with black dots. 

White ear of corn with white dots. 

Wooden hoe with green corn-ear painted on it; the hoe being painted white. 

Meal cake. 

Wooden cylinder-shaped stick with a duck feather nakwakwosi attached to 
it. Painted black, the ends green. 

8. Ring made of cat-tail leaves with a duck feather nakwakwosi attached to it. 
Painted black. 

9 and lo. Boards called "fields." The dark part, painted green, the light part 
yellow. 

11. The same, the light part painted green, the dark part red. 

12. The same, painted white with black bird tracks. 



Feb., 1912. Miscellaneous Hopi Papers — Voth. 129 

THE SUMMER CEREMONY OF THE DRAB FLUTE 

SOCIETY. 

June 13, 1901. 

Every summer, as far as observed, in the month of June, the Drab 
Flute Society observes a one day ceremony for the special purpose of 
making and depositing prayer offerings for the sun. For this purpose 
they assemble in the ancestral houses of their respective societies where 
they also celebrate about two months later the regular Flute ceremony, 
which lasts nine days. 

The participants on this occasion were: Lomahungwa, chief priest, 
Shokhungyoma, Tuwahoyniwa, Masaveima, Sivinomtiwa, Qomaho, 
Siviletstiwa, Talasnomtiwa, and Nakwahoyoma, who are some of the 
leading men of the Drab Flute Society. All, except Lomahungwa, wore 
their usual clothes, but were barefooted and had their hair untied. 
Lomahungwa^ wore nothing except a small breech cloth. 

The following account states, as nearly as possible, who of the men, 
present, prepared the different objects, though sometimes they assisted 
one another, the one doing one part, another some other part of the 
work. 

Lomahungwa prepared the following objects: 

1. Four round prayer sticks of Cottonwood root, six inches long, one 
and one quarter inches thick, which were said to represent corn-stalks 
(see Plate LVI). 

2. One wonawika of cottonwood root, four inches long and about 
one and a half inches wide, representing an old -weeding implement. 
This had an old eagle breath feather and a butterfly wing from the medi- 
cine bowl attached to it (see Plate LVI). 

3. Two prayer sticks, about six inches long, one with a facet repre- 
senting a female prayer stick. Both had a nodule in the middle. 

4. Five single black bahos (chochokpi) six inches long. 

5. Four short and one long ptihus (roads), which he moistened with 
honey and rolled in corn-pollen. Also three plain short roads. 

6. Six double green bahos with black tips four and a half inches long. 
All bahos had duck feather nakwakwosis tied to them. He smoked 
over all and spurted honey over them. He also prepared the paint for 
painting the bahos except the first named, for which Masaveima pre- 
pared it. He put into a double mortar green and yellow, and into 
another mortar some black paint, some honey, a pinch of some ngahu 
(medicine), also some water and a butterfly wing; the latter he tied 

' The accents on these proper names will be given in this paragraph only. 



130 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XL 

later to the nakwakwosi on the wonawika. Masaveima prepared the 
paint for the "corn-stalks" and also the charm liquid in the medicine 
bowl, in which he was assisted by Siviletstiwa. The latter had brought 
a small beetle (mana-kwushiwuu) , which he threw into the medicine 
bowl. Alasaveima then took a quartz crystal and, holding it up against 
the sunlight, let some rays of light fall into the medicine bowl. He 
then painted the four corn-stalks as shown on the accompanying plate 
(see Plate LVII). Next he prepared four wipo (cat-tail grass) wheels 
(see Plate LVI), into which Tuwahoyniwa put pieces of the beetle 
that Siviletstiwa had placed into the medicine bowl. Later he also 
made two piihus of eagle and small warbler feathers and six nakwakwo- 
sis of eagle feathers. He then got some sand for the small tiponi altar. 
Tuwahoyniwa made four short round sticks or cylinders (see Plate LVI), 
three of which were one and one-half inches long and one two inches 
long; all about one inch in diameter; he also made one wheel of cat-tail 
grass. He then painted all cylinders and wheels black, the ends of the 
cylinders green and fastened a duck feather nakwakwosi to each. Later 
he also made two eagle feather piihus with yellow warbler feathers, for 
the sun and for vSpider Woman; four hawk nakwakwosis for the four 
cardinal points, and four eagle feather piihus for the eagles. 

Siviletstiwa dressed the four com-stalks in the same way as bahos 
are usually dressed. Somewhat below the middle he fastened the usual 
sprig of kunya, maovi and a small turkey feather on one side and a 
corn-husk packet, containing com -meal and honey and having a nak- 
wakwosi attached to it, on the opposite side. He then also made the 
following prayer offerings: Two piihus (roads) of eagle breath 
feathers and a few tiny yellow warbler feathers, six nakwakwosis and 
one piihu of hawk feathers. These, he said, he made for Spider Woman. 

There were also prepared four objects, resembling cakes, about 
three and one-half inches in diameter and four small slabs five and one- 
half inches long, two inches wide and one-half inch thick, but my notes 
fail to state by whom these objects were made and decorated. I think 
these, as well as the artificial ears of corn, were only repainted (see 
Plate LVI). 

Qomaho made eight eagle piihus, four for the four world quarters, 
two for the eagles, one for the moon, one for the sun. Only the last 
named had warbler feathers. The two for the eagles he handed to 
Tuwahoyniwa.^ 

Shokhungwa made four piihus and four nakwakwosis of eagle and 
small warbler feathers. 

' Only certain families control territories in which eagles are found, and I have observed, at 
different times, that prayer oflerihgs, made by men who do not own such territory, are handed to repre- 
sentatives of such territory, who deposit them at certain shrines and places devoted to the eagle cult. 



PL. LVII. ARTIFICIAL CORN-STALKS. 

1. Body yellow, dots black, root white. 

2. Body green, dots black, root white. 

3. Body red, dots white, root white. 

4. Body white, dots red, root white. 

The objects are all dressed with a turkey feather, a sprig of Artemisia frigida, one 
of Gutierrezia Euthamiae Torr. and Gray, a corn-husk packet, containing meal and 
a pinch of honey, and a duck feather nakwakwosi, as shown on No. 4. 






tNj 




Feb., 1912. Miscellaneous Hopi Papers — Voth. 131 

Sivinomtiwa made two piihus of eagle and warbler feathers for the 
sun and Spider Woman, and also four nakwakwosis of eagle feathers 
only, for the four cardinal points and four piihus of eagle feathers only 
for the eagles. These last he handed to Shakhungyoma. 

Nakwahoyoma, who had come in towards noon, prepared two Kal- 
ehtaka or wairior bahos, consisting of a single stick about five inches 
long to which was fastened one of the small wing feathers of a large 
hawk and a nakwakwosi, I think of the same bird. On these bahos, 
which were painted red, he rubbed some specular iron. Of these two 
ingredients he also rubbed some on his face. Later he also prepared 
the same piihus and nakwakwosis as Tuwahoyniwa (see above). 

Shokhungyoma made one piihu each for the sun, moon, eagles and 
Spider Woman, and four nakwakwosis for the four world quarters. 

Talasnomtiwa made three piihus of eagle and warbler feathers one 
each for the sun, moon and "God;"' two for the eagles, but without the 
yellow warbler feathers, and four for the four cardinal points. When I 
asked him why he had not made one for Spider Woman, he exclaimed: 
"O my, I forgot that!" The prayer offerings to the eagles he handed to 
Tuwahoyniwa. 

I noticed a small quantity of food in a bowl, and was told that it 
was to be deposited in some shrine as an offering to the sun. 

Among the prayer offerings were also four artificial ears of com, 
about five inches long and about one and one quarter inches thick, 
made of cottonwood root. But my notes do not state just when and 
by whom they were made (see Plate LVI). 

At about one o'clock they had finished the prayer ofi^erings, placed 
them on trays, swept the floor and partook of a meal. When they were 
through Oomaho got a medicine bowl, six ears of corn, six makwanpis 
(called husbands of the com-ears),^ six old small nakwakwosis, and six 
small stones, different herbs, etc. Of the herbs he placed some into the 
bowl and rubbed some on the corn-ears which he arranged around the 
bowl, and also poured some water into the bowl. He then put into the 
bowl a peculiar green object which looked like a piece of jade probably 
about two inches long and one and a half inches wide, but of irregular 
shape. It had some carvings on one side. I had noticed this object 
in other ceremonies of this society before. Lomahungwa also put 

1 This man had been critically ill some years previously. Missionaries had prayed with him and 
told him to pray to God. He says he did so and got well, and after that I have found him on several 
occasions, when he made prayer offerings for his deities, to also prepare some for "God" and for 
"Jesus" because "they made him well." The same trend of thought, as among the Athenians who 
built an altar "to the unknown God." 

2 These objects consist of a hollow stick about six inches long, the ends of which are sometimes 
open, sometimes covered with a piece of bucksin. To one end are fastened a number of feathers by 
twine which is wound all over the sticks. 



132 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. 

what seemed to be an herb or powder into the bowl. He also got his 
omawtapi, a large, cone-shaped pipe or cloud blower, ready, made a small 
sand hill of the sand that Masaveima had previously gotten and placed 
his tiponi into it. The corn-ear of this sacred object protruded pretty 
well, the corn from it having disappeared; the feathers were also badly 
moth-eaten. 

When the altar was finished, the tray with the prayer offerings being 
placed north of the tiponi, the men arranged themselves around the 
altar. Lomahungwa first lit the cloud blower, blowing the smoke into 
the medicine bowl, whereupon a number of songs were chanted; Loma- 
hungwa and Siviletstiwa shook mosililis (shell rattles), the others 
waved eagle feathers to the time of the singing. 

First song: Tuwahoyniwa stands and waves two long buzzard wing 
feathers up and down to the time of the singing, throwing a pinch of 
ashes on them at intervals, dusting it off towards the door six times. 

Second song: Tuwahoyniwa takes meal from the tray and rubs four 
meal lines on the four walls of the house, first on the north, then on the 
west, south and finally on the east wall, and also between the white and 
black and blue and red corn-ears on the floor. He then takes a seat with 
the others and also shakes a shell rattle. 

Third song: Qomaho sprinkles some sacred meal and corn-pollen 
along the old makwanpis into the bowl and then throws the small 
stone lying by the side of the makwanpi into the bowl . 

Fourth song: Qomaho picks up the old makwanpis again, sprinkles 
meal and pollen along them and then throws the old small nakwakwosis, 
that have been lying by the side of the makwanpis, into the bowl, each 
time whistling into the bowl with an eagle bone whistle. 

Fifth song: Qomaho wipes the chewed roots from the corn-ears, one 
after another, into the medicine bowl. During a brief pause Qomaho 
picks up all the ears of corn and holds them, points downward, into the 
medicine bowl. Talasnomtiwa picks up two of the old makwanpis, 
holds them horizontally on two sides of the corn-ears, grasping at the 
same time the rim of the bowl with both hands, and then the 

Sixth song is intoned, during which Qomaho asperges with each 
corn-ear into the air, beginning with the yellow one which he replaces 
to the north side of the bowl and then with the rest in the usual order. 
Qomaho 's meal tray was placed towards Lomahungwa who sprinkled 
meal towards the bowl. Qomaho asperges, and then the 

Seventh song commences. Lomahungwa now sprinkles meal along 
each corn-ear into the medicine bowl. Qomaho asperges. 

Eighth, ninth, tenth and eleventh songs: Nothing occurred except 
occasional asperging by old Qomaho with the usual aspcrgill. which 



Feb., 1912. Miscellaneous Hopi Papers — Voth. 133 

consists of a hollow stick about seven inches long with feathers at one 
end and wound with twine. When the last song was ended all said 
kwakwai, (thanks!), held a pinch of meal to their lips, whispered 
a prayer, and sprinkled the meal into the bowl and on the tray with 
the offerings. All then smoked, whereupon Lomahungwa uttered a 
short prayer, to which the others responded by saying, kwakwai 
(thanks !) which ends the ceremon3^ 

This may perhaps be a proper place to state that most of the songs 
of the Flute societies are chanted in a language which is no longer under- 
stood by the Hopi. Some were in the Hopi language. On several 
occasions the men had great difficulty to sing the songs, in fact had to 
stop and repeat parts of the song several times. They complained 
that their best singer was not there. These facts may account for the 
uneven number of songs. In my opinion there should be either twelve 
or sixteen. 

The altar was now dismantled. Qomaho poured out the water 
from the medicine bowl and took out the sand; Tuwahoyniwa tied up 
the corn-ears, Lomahungwa made four small balls and one bigger one 
of sweet -corn meal, into which he mixed the food for the sun already 
mentioned, and wrapped them in a blanket. He also used some honey. 
Whether he mixed this with the food balls or put it into a corn-husk, 
to be used by the depositor of the balls, escaped my observation. These 
balls, as well as all the bahos and other prayer offerings, were later 
carried to different, more or less distant, shrines and springs, but most 
of them to the Tawa-ki (vSun Shrine) on a mesa about four miles south- 
east of Oraibi, where hundreds of prayer offerings in all stages of decay 
may be seen. Lomahungwa reserved one baho and some corn-meal 
for his field. 

It might be of interest to state also to what clans the participants of 
this brief ceremony belonged. As far as I have recorded it, this clan 
relationship is as follows: 

Batki (Water-house) clan: Lomahungwa (chief priest), Sivinomtiwa, 
Siviletstiwa. 

Honani (Badger) clan: Qomaho. 

Piva (Tobacco) clan: Masaveima. 

Kele (Sparrow Hawk) clan: Tuwahoyniwa, Talasnomtiwa. 

Ishawuu (Coyote) clan: Nakwahoyoma. 

Honawuu (Bear) clan: Shakhungoma. 

All these clans belong, of course, to certain groups of clans with which 
they are directly related. Thus the Batki (Water-house) Pihkash 
(Young Com), Omawu (Cloud) and others belong to a group, or phratry. 
The Kele is closely related to the Atoka (Crane), Batang (Squash) and 



1.34 Field MuseUxM of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. 

others. But there seems to be no word in the Hopi language to desig- 
nate such a group, just as there is no name for family, society, etc. The 
Hopi says "Nu Batki wungwa, Kel wungwa, etc." I am Water-house 
(clan) member. Sparrow Hawk (clan) member; or Plural: Itam Hanan, 
Hon nyamu. We are Badger, Bear (clan) members; or he will speak of 
his wife and children (not family) ; or say, Nu Tcob wimkya ^ or Tcowuu, 
I am an Antelope (fraternity) member, or Antelope (not I belong to 
the Antelope society). Questions like: How many families, clans, 
fraternities, etc., are in the village? could not be asked in a direct way. 

A certain rather complicated relationshi]j also exists between clans 
belonging to different phratries. This, as well as the direct relationship, 
is recognized and expressed in all ceremonies when two or more partici- 
pants engage in smoking, and the pipe is passed from one to another." 
It then frequently occurs that an aged priest will say to a much younger 
member: "My father," "My uncle," or even "My grandfather," and 
vice versa. This seems to be determined, at least partly, by the priority 
or age of the different gentes. In this ceremony this exchange of re- 
lationship was at a certain grouping for a "smoke" as follows: 

Lomahungwa (Water-house) to Masaveima (Tobacco) : M>- \'ounger 
brother; ans: My elder brother. 

Tuwahoyniwa (Sparrow Hawk) to Lomahungwa (Water-house) : 
My child; ans: My father. 

Siviletstiwa (Water-house) to Tuwahoyniwa (Sparrow Hawk) : 
My younger brother; ans: My elder brother. 

Talasnomtiwa (Sparrow Hawk) to Siviletstiwa (Water-house): 
My younger brother; ans: My elder brother. 

Nakwahoyoma (Coyot6) to Talasnomtiwa (Sparrow Hawk): My 
child; ans: My father. 

Qomaho (Badger) to Nakwahoyoma (Coyote): My child: ans: 
My father. 

Lomahungwa (Water-house) to Qomaho (Badger): My child; ans: 
My father. 

Masaveima (Tobacco) to Tuwahoyniwa (Sparrow Hawk): My 
father; ans: My child. 

With the Hopi this clan relationship is of more importance than the 
blood relationship. Usually, if one asks several Hopi how they are 
related to one another, they will give their clan relationship, in the 
same way as described in connection with ceremonial smoking, without, 
however, mentioning the respective clans. 

' Wimkya. pi. Wiwimkya. refers to membership in a society or fraternity; wungwa. pi. nyamu, 
to clan membership. It would be as erroneous to use nyamu to designate a group of clans or a phratry 
as it would be to use wiwimkya for society or fraternity. 

- Such exchange of relationship is also frequently observed where one participant of a ceremony 
hands prayer offerings or other religious and ceremonial objects to another 



Feb., 1912. Miscellaneous Hopi Papers — Voth. 135 

THE SUMMER CEREMONY OF THE BLUE FLUTE 

SOCIETY. 

June 12, 1901. 

This brief ceremony took place in the ancestral home of this society. 
The following of the older members of the order took part in the cere- 
mony: 

Lomayeshtiwa, Mokahtiwa, Wungvnima, Naashashtiwa, Naoshi, 
Qoyabuya and Talaswungvuiima. All had prepared a number of 
prayer offerings of different kinds which were placed in three different 
trays as follows: 

1. Four artificial ears of com, made of old Cottonwood roots, each 
about four and one-half inches long and about one and one-quarter 
inches thick, rounded at one end and all painted white. The first 
had yellow dots, the color of the north; the second green, the color of 
the west ; the third black, the color of above ; ^ the fourth white (a 
slightly different shade than the body of the object), the color of the 
east (see Plate LVI). 

2. Four flat slabs about five and one-quarter inches long, two inches 
wide and about half an inch thick (see Plate LVI). I have been 
repeatedly told that these slabs which are also used in other ceremonies 
represent fields. They are called tochkwa (land or field). 

3. One so-called wonawdka representing a wooden sickle or knife, 
such as the Hopi are said to have used in olden times, four and one- 
quarter inches long, one and one-half inches wide and one-half inch 
thick (see Plate LVI). 

4. Fovir pikawikis, four by one by one-half inches. As far as I can 
find out these represent food for the cloud deities. In other ceremonies 
they are sometimes made of gourd shells or even of corn-meal dough 
(see Plate LVI). 

5. Five black prayer sticks (chochokpis) about six inches long, 
pointed at the lower end. To each one was attached a turkey feather, 
a sprig of kunya, and one of maovi,^ a small corn-husk pocket, contain- 
ing corn-meal, honey and a small duck feather, which was suspended 
by a Cottonwood string. 

6. A small ring made of wipo (cat-tail grass) about three inches in 
diameter, to which was also fastened a small duck feather nakwakwosi 
(see Plate LVI). 

' It seems that these spots should have been red, the color of the south, but I have frequently 
observed such apparent inaccuracies in detail in the preparation of ceremonial objects, arrangement of 
altars, etc. 

-Artemisia frigida and Gutierrezia Euthamia; Torr. & Gray. 



136 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. 

7. A cylinder consisting of a stick of cottonwood root, two and one- 
half inches long and about one inch thick, the body of which was 
painted black, the ends green. To the centre of this was attached a 
duck feather nakwakwosi (see Plate LVI). 

8. Four double green sun bahos (prayer-sticks) about six inches 
long, to each of which two eagle breath feather nakwakwosis were 
attached. 

9. Two single warrior bahos. They are about six inches long and 
are painted red. To each one was attached, at the upper end, a short 
eagle wing feather, instead of the usual turkey feather; to the lower 
end an eagle breath feather nakwakwosi. 

10. A lot of common nakwakwosis of turkey, eagle and hawk feathers 
which were made by the different men, but just how many by each 
one was not recorded, nor do my notes state just who participated and 
to what extent in the preparation of all the above named objects. 

Just what disposition was made of all these objects could not be 
observed as the different shrines and springs, where they were deposited, 
were much scattered and some of them several miles away. But from 
other observations and information obtained the sun bahos and prob- 
ably the war baho and some nakwakwosis were taken to some Tawa-ki 
(Sun Shrine), some prayer offerings to Lanva (Flute Spring) west of 
Oraibi, and probably to Achamali, a shrine north of the village; the 
wooden objects to Sikakwu Baho-ki, an old shrine on the mesa about 
four miles east of the village. 



V. FOUR HOPI TALES 

BY 
H. R. VOTH. 



1. THE GIRL THAT WAS SAVED BY THE WREN.' 

In Oraibi (they) lived. At the place where now Kohtutwa (Found 
Wood) lives, lived a man, his wife and their daughter. It was winter 
and there was snow. The parents wanted to go and get wood, and said 
to their daughter, that she should prepare food for them. But after 
they had left, the girl played all day in a corner of the house and the steps 
with sheep bones, which were people and for whom she built a house, 
talking to them all day. So when her parents returned in the evening 
they found nothing to eat and the mother had to get fire and prepare 
a meal herself. She was tired and angry. The next morning they 
went after wood again, and again told the girl to prepare food for them. 
"But you must do it this time," the mother said, "because I shall be 
tired." But when they returned in the evening they found their 
daughter still playing at the same place. The mother was very angry. 
When she had laid down the wood she grabbed the girl by the belt, 
tore it off, tore off her dress and then threw her through a hatch-way 
into a lower room, covering the hatch-way with the stone cover. When 
they w^ere eating late the father asked where their daughter was, since 
she had not come in. "Why, she has gone somewhere," the mother 
said "because she has not come in." The parents finally went to 
sleep. The girl in her lower room hunted for a blanket and finally 
found a small one in which she wrapped herself up and also w^ent to 
sleep. In the morning the parents again went after wood without 
asking for their daughter. She staid in the room all day and slept 
there again the next night, the parents going after wood again the 
following morning. Thus the girl remained in the room three days 
and three nights. On the morning of the fourth day she was very 
hungry, as she had not eaten anything for a long time. She was very 
tired and was lying down. In the north wall w^as a small opening. 
All at once she saw something sitting in the opening. It came in and 
when the girl looked up she saw it jumping up and down on the floor, 
leave the room, and come back again. It was a Tuchvo (Wren). Final- 
ly the Wren came close to her and said "Alas! that you are here that 
way; but just continue here that way, I shall go and hunt something 
for you." The Wren soon returned with a string of ears of sweet 
corn. "Here, eat this," the bird said, "and then you must go out and 

1 Compare tale No. 15, page 71, in "The Traditions of the Hopi" by H. R. Voth, published by 
The Field Museum. 



I40 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. 

come to the gap north-east of the village, where I shall be waiting 
for you." The girl ate the corn and then removing the stone cover 
from the hatch-way, climbed out. Her parents were eating their 
morning meal near the fire-place. She was using the little blanket as 
a loin cloth. She passed her parents and went out. "Where are you 
going?" her father said. "Oh my, that you did not tell me about 
yourself." The girl went down and around the east side of the village. 
"Don't go away," her mother said. The girl proceeded, weeping as 
follows : 

Hao inguu ! 

Oh my mother! 
Um nui mava, m^va 

You me refused, refused 
Owata, kwawata. 

Bridal robe, (and) belt. 
Um nui mava, mava, 
You me refused, refused. 

The people on the housetops saw her, and some were angry. All 
at once they saw the Kokoshori Katcina meet the girl, take her on his 
back, and take her away. The Wren had sent the Katcina. In a 
little while they came upon a batu-vota (water shield) which they 
mounted. They were then carried away to Kishiwuu where they 
arrived in a little while. They came to a spring which was the door 
to their kiva. This door the Kokoshori opened and they entered. 
The Hahaii Wuhti lived there with the Kokoshori, and beside her 
very many Katcinas. It was winter, but they fed the girl water- 
melons, muskmelons, roasting ears, etc. When they had eaten, all 
the Katcinas danced all day and were very happy, because the Koko- 
shori had now a child. They brought much sweet-corn and gave 
it to the girl. Every evening they had a dance. At last the girl had 
grown up to be a maiden. 

The Kokoshori often went to Oraibi and saw that the girl's mother 
was very hoinesick. She did not go anywhere, but was lying down 
all the time. One time the Kokoshori said to the maiden "Your 
mother is very lonely and is crying. We shall take you to her." The 
girl cried and did not want to go. But the Katcinas said they would 
pity her and visit her sometimes. One time all the Katcinas dressed 
up and took the maiden to the village. When they arrived they 
danced at the place where the Wikolapi kiva now is. While they 
danced some of the women recognized the maiden and told her mother. 
The latter would not believe it. "My daughter is gone," she said. 



Feb., 1912. Miscellaneous Hopi Papers — Voth. 141 

Her hair was all tangled up, as she had not combed it for a long time. 
The Katcinas then danced north of the village. The father said, 
"May be it is her. I shall go and see." He looked and saw that it 
was their daughter. He was very happy. He at once made bahos 
and nakwakwosis. When he was done he went down and gave them 
to the Katcinas. 

2. HOW A LITTLE TURTLE DECEIVED THE COYOTE. 

At Sakwa-vayu (Blue Water), near Winslow, some people were 
living. In the river lived many Turtles. Near by lived the Coyote. 
He coveted the Turtles, and was wondering where they lived. He 
hunted all around the village, but could find only some turtle shells. 
He took some of them in his mouth and went away. Approaching 
the river he heard some one cry. He came near and saw a short dis- 
tance from the river, in the shade of some brush, a small Turtle which 
drew itself into its shell when he approached. 

The Coyote came close by, took the Turtle into his mouth, turned 
it over and said: "So it was you that said something here." "Yes," 
the Turtle replied. "What did you say?" the Coyote asked. "I 
cried," the Turtle answered. "Why?" the Coyote asked. "You sang 
nicely. Sing for me again." "Oh no, I cried," the Turtle said. "But 
you must sing again. You sang so nicely. If you don't, I shall devour 
you." "But I do not want to. My mother has gone away, and there- 
fore I cried. I shall not cry for you again." "Very well, I shall 
devour you then." "All right, that will not hurt me." "I shall 
throw you on the hot ground." "Very well, that will not hurt me." 
"Well now, why do you not want to sing? If you refuse I shall throw 
you into the water." "Paiu, (oh my), do not do that, for I shall then 
die at once." The Coyote then rushed at the Turtle, grabbed it and 
threw it into the water. When it reached the water the Turtle ex- 
claimed, "Ali! (good)! This is my house," stretched its feet and head, 
dived down, came up again, and swam away. "Oh my!" the Coyote 
exclaimed, "Why did I not devour it?" And on that account the 
turtles still live in the water. 

3. THE LITTLE LOCUST HUNTER. 

In all the villages the people were living: in Shongopavi, Oraibi, 
Shupaulavi, Mishongnovi, Walpi, Sichcomovi, and Hano. The Hopi 
relished locusts very much and hunted them in the fields. There was 
some shiwahpi (Chrysothamnus Howardii Torry, Gray) at one place. 



142 Field Museum of Natural History — ^Anth., Vol. XL 

and on top of one of the brushes sat a locust, and a boy wanted to 
capture the locust. The locust was singing the following song: 

Mahu, mahu, mahu, mahu, 
Locust, locust, locust, locust. 

Lalena, lalena, lalcna, lalena. 
Flutes, flutes, flutes, flutes. 

Shiwap chokit, ovek chokiokango. 

On (the) sage (?) he sits, on. top he is sitting, 

Lalena, lalena. 
Flutes, flutes, 

Aapiyo hongiomakang, 
Off, being fleet. 

Rup! (Imitation of the noise of the wings). 

As he was singing the word "rup," he flew away. When he flew 
away the boy, not being quick enough, was very sorry. "Aya!" he 
said, because he had not caught him. 

Told bv Lomavcntiwa. 



4. TRADITION ABOUT SEVERAL MISHONGNOVI 

CLANS. 

The Batki clan and Sand clan come from Palatkwabi. The Sand 
clan is also called Snake and Lizard clan, because the snakes and lizards 
live in the sand. When traveling they sometimes halted, and the 
Sand clan would spread sand on the ground and plant corn. The 
Batki clan would sing and thereby cause it to thunder and to lain, 
and the crop would grow in a day, and they would have something to 
eat. At Homolovi (Winslow) they lived a long time. They brought 
with them the Soyal Yunga, the Lagon Yunga, and the Soyal Katcina. 
They then went to Aoatovi. Here the people did not want them, and 
hence they moved on to Mishongnovi, where they found the Bear, 
Pairot, and Crow clans. They were asked what they knew to produce 
rain and crops. They spread the sand and made corn grow, whereupon 
they were welcomed and their leader was made the chief of the village. 

The spring Toreva was then very small. But the Batki clan had 
brought frorn the Ivittle Colorado river mud, grass and water in mung- 



Feb., 1912. Miscellaneous Hopi Papers — Voth. 143 

wikurus (netted gourd vessels). This they put into the spring and 
that increased the flow of the water. Formerly there was also much 
grass around it when there were fewer burros than there are now. The 
Bear clan had the Antelope altar, the Parrot and the Crow clans the 
Blue Flute cult. The Crane and the Eagle clans had the position of 
the Village crier and the Drab Flute cult. The Batki were admitted 
to the Antelope and Blue Flute fraternities, and hence, the narrater 
said, he makes the cloud symbols in the ceremony of the Blue Flute 
society. 

After that the Pihkash (Young Corn-Ear) or Kao (Corn-Ear) 
clan came from the east, from the Pueblos, Sikanakpu thinks. Accord- 
ing to him the earlier clans came to Mishongnovi as follows: 

1. The Parrot and Crow clans who had the Blue Flute cult and 
the village chief. 

2. The Bear clan who brought the Antelope altar, now used in the 
Snake ceremony. 

3. The Crane and Eagle clans, who brought the Drab Flute and 
Marau cult and had the Village crier. 

4. The Katcina clan with the Katcinas. 

5. The vSand clan with the Lagon, Soyal and Snake cult. 

6. The Batki clan. These had no altar, but controlled the water 
and helped to make it rain. 

7. The Young Corn-Ear clan. These had no altar of their own, 
but brought a better quality of corn and made the corn grow. 

Before the Batki people came, the corn was very small. They 
made it rain and so it grew large. The Pihkash clan brought better 
and larger corn wnth them. 

Told by Sikanakpu. 



VI. HOPI MARRIAGE RITES ON THE WEDDING 

MORNING 



BY 
H. R. VOTH. 



HOPI MARRIAGE RITES ON THE WEDDING 
MORNING. 

As the heading indicates this brief sketch does not intend to describe, 
even briefly, an entire Hopi marriage ceremony, which inchides different 
preparations, rites, etc., running through several months.^ It simply 
gives the jaroceedings and rites of the morning of the wedding day 
proper, after which the contracting parties are considered married, 
subsequent observances and customs (that still form a part of the 
entire marriage ceremony) notwithstanding. 

The author was well acquainted .with the young people and all 
that were present. The wedding took place in Oraibi in the home of 
the groom's uncle and aunt, his parents having died long befqre. This 
aunt was the sister of the village chief, and of the chief priest of the 
Soyal fraternity, who at the same time was also a member of various 
other societies. She is probably the most important woman of the 
village, and I have seen her figure very conspicuously in different 
secret religious ceremonies, especially in the Soyal and Marau. When 
her sister, the mother of the groom, died years ago, she adopted 
all the orphan children, I think seven in number, and was to them a 
real mother. She had no children of her own. Her husband is also 
one of the prominent men of the village and of the Soyal society. 

The marriage took place on March i, 1904, and the following persons 
were present: 

Talaskwaptiwa, Tawa (Sun) clan, stepfather of the groom. 

Pungnyanomsi, Honawu (Bear) clan, stepmother of the groom. 

Sivanka, Ishawuu (Coyote) clan, mother of the bride. 

Nakwamosi, Ishawuu (Coyote) clan, grandmother of bride on 
mother's side. 

Sakwmosi, Ishawuu (Coyote) clan. 

Bayamka, Ishawuu (Coyote) clan. 

Nuvavanka, Ishawuu (Coyote) clan. 

Kiwanhoynom, Ishawuu (Coyote) clan. 

Mosinomka, Tuwa (Sand) clan. 

Nasingyaonom, Honani (Badger) clan, grandmother of bride on 
father's side. 

Honanmana, Ishawuu (Bear) clan. 

'See the author's ' 'Oraibi Marriage Customs." American .Anthropologist. Vol. II. April-June, 1900. 

147 



148 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. 

Kiwanhongka, Ishawuu (Bear) clan, opened bride's hair. 

Motooma, Ishawuu (Bear) clan, groom. 

Tobangyamsi, Ishawuu (Coyote) clan, bride. 

We proceeded to the house at four a. m. The mother and the 
grandmother of the bride (the latter on the mother's side) just arrived. 
The inhabitants of the house were still abed, but all said that they had 
been waiting for us. The bride slept at the home of the parents (step- 
parents in this case) of her future husband, where she had been taken 
by her mother thiee days previously, and had ground com during that 
time, Pungnyanomsi, the groom's aunt (mother) at once got some 
sticks of wood from outside and built a fire in the fire-place in one of 
the corners of the room, another fire having already been built in 
the stove. Both mothers then took their places near the fire-place 
where they commenced to make suds in two large bowls of yucca 
plant roots that were first mashed by stones, Nasingyaonom and 
the sister of Pungnyanomsi taking a place beside them. Several of the 
women were sitting on the west wall, near the stove. While the two 
women were preparing the suds, Kiwanhongka opened the bride's 
hair. At about half past four Motooma came in. The couple then 
knelt on a pelt before the two bowls, the bride before the bowl of her 
future mother-in-law, and the groom before that of his future mother- 
in-law. The two women then commenced to wash the heads of the 
couple, but in this all the women participated. Usually the hair 
of the young couple is then washed thoroughly together in each bowl, 
and this hair washing, and especially the washing of the two heads in 
the same bowl, is said to be the "crucial moment" in which the two are 
supposed to "become one." In this case, as also in others where the 
groom's hair had been cut, this mutual washing was dispensed with, 
which caused some remarks, teasing and laughter, and the suggestion 
whether he could really be considered as having been married. After 
they were through, another woman came in and the bridegroom had 
to come forward and submit to another washing. He was in his usual 
working clothes and the bride was robed in an atoe (white ceremonial 
blanket with red and blue border). 

When they were through the young man seated himself on the 
west side of the room quite a httle distance from the stove, while the 
bride seated herself behind and close to the stove. Pungnyanomsi 
got a bowl into which the suds were poured and carried it out later 
on. There were present in all about eleven women, the husband 
of Pungnyanomsi being the only man present. The father of the 
bride usually does not come until later. 

After the bowls had been emptied and fresh water poured into them 



Feb., 1912. Miscellaneous Hopi Papers — Voth. 149 

Pungnyanomsi took off the atoe of the bride and invited her to come to 
the bowl again, where the upper part of her body was bathed, the 
bride washing her arms herself. The bridegroom somewhat protested 
saying the water was too cold. He seemed to be at first embar- 
rassed to take off his shirt, and so the women suggested that he go 
outside and take a bath there, which I have also observed in other 
cases. Several women again assisted in the bathing of the bride, also 
washing her feet after they had bathed the upper part of her body and 
her arms. It took quite a while before the young man could make up 
his mind to submit to the bathing. He protested, saying that the water 
was too cold, he had taken a bath the previous evening, etc.; but 
finally, after being encouraged on all sides, he cast off his shirt, knelt 
down at his bowl, then all the women participated in rubbing his body 
thoroughly. The delay was accompanied by a good deal of joking and 
hilarity on the part of the women. While he was being bathed his 
bride was again sitting behind the stove drying her hair. The second 
addition of the water was again poured into the tin pail. 

As soon as the bathing was over all the women left except the 
mother of the bride and Kuktiwa's wife. At about five o'clock, as 
soon as the hair of the young people was somewhat dry, Pungnyanomsi 
handed them a pinch of corn-meal, whereupon they went outside and 
sprinkled the corn-meal towards the dawn that was appearing in the 
east. They did this standing on the edge of the house, instead of going 
to the edge of the mesa as is usually the case. When they came in 
Pungnyanomsi put some meal into a bowl which the young bride 
commenced to knead. When she was through she made piki of this 
dough, and then assisted in the preparing of the morning meal which 
is really the wedding feast and for which other friends and relatives, 
also the bride's father came in. 

After this feast cotton was distributed to the friends and relatives 
of the young couple as usual, who then prepare, during the following 
six to eight weeks, the bridal costume which is used in another part of 
the general marriage ceremony. 



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